Danica May, 5 years old

MORE THAN 1,800 deaths so far, and counting. That’s the number provided by Philippine National Police chief Ronald dela Rosa himself at the Senate inquiry into the surge of extrajudicial killings since July 1, when President Duterte took office with a vow to rid this country of drugs and crime by whatever means.

How many of these deaths involved minors? The government numbers do not indicate that information. And so the death of Danica May Garcia will eventually be lumped along with the rest—one more negligible statistic in the administration’s brutal war against the drug menace that it has declared as the country’s No. 1 problem today.

But there is nothing ordinary or negligible about the story of Danica May. Only five years old, the girl that her grandmother said was always excited to attend kindergarten at a nearby school was hit in the head by a stray bullet when her grandfather Maximo Garcia was shot by a gunman at the back of their house. The grandfather, a tricycle driver, survived with a wound in the stomach; the child died in hospital, becoming the youngest fatality so far in the ongoing bloodbath.

When is the death of a human being one too many? Is there even a just measure for it? Dela Rosa said 756 persons in the PNP list died because they resisted arrest.

“Nanlaban.” If they had not done so, he said, they would be alive today. “Buhay sila.” And yet, in a recent viral video, a drug suspect already wounded and shouting surrender still ended up peppered with bullets by the Pasay City police.

And these are the adult ones, who, peremptorily declared suspects under lists drawn up in secret by police and barangay officials and, by that unproven accusation, without benefit of any formal investigation that would

allow them to clear their name, may find themselves summarily killed. Take Danica May’s grandfather, who had earlier presented himself to the police after learning that he was on a drug watch list. That act appears to have only exposed him further to harm, leading to the attempt on his life three days later. But his young apo got shot and bled to death in the process.

“Collateral damage,” the defenders of this campaign would say—the banal wording meant to carve a comfortable distance from the unnerving wails of those mourning dead loved ones. Besides, the same defenders would say, it wasn’t the administration that pulled the trigger.

This kind of response is appalling, and misses the point. Whatever one’s position in this war, the current apparently state-sanctioned climate of impunity where people under mere suspicion of crime are killed without compunction is already a tragedy—a violation of the fundamental presumption of innocence enshrined in the Constitution. But the death of children—whether by unfortunate accident or as the targets themselves, as in the well-documented case of three brothers, all minors, summarily executed by the so-called Davao Death Squad years ago—brings the tragedy to another level.

President Duterte’s war is now claiming many more unintended victims. Can it be because of the official endorsements of extrajudicial means emanating from, or abetted by, Malacañang? Earlier, the top cop himself has said he thinks the spiraling vigilante deaths are welcome because they mean that the drug syndicates are eliminating each other; now, he has taken to goading admitted addicts who have surrendered to police to commit arson on the houses of their alleged drug suppliers.

The apparent effect of these extraordinary exhortations is to open the environment to greater bloodshed and a wider field of combat—and with it, the possibility of many more civilians, including children, dying in the crossfire.

While Danica May’s death made the headlines, no significant public outcry attended the news. Contrast that with the shock and outrage expressed by many Filipinos on social media over the video of a shell-shocked boy in Aleppo, covered in dust and blood, uncomprehending and rendered mute by the carnage around him. Children are indeed the most vulnerable victims of any war, but one need not look to Syria or other countries for confirmation of that distressing truth. The out-of-control

violence in our streets is racking up the same victims; Danica May will not be the last of them.

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/96841/danica-may-5-years-old#ixzz4M6oqAFPw
Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook

5 peasants killed in 6 days

Assert Socio-Economic Initiatives Network of the Philippines (Ascent) strongly condemns the recent spate of extrajudicial killings of farmers in the provinces of Nueva Ecija and Isabela. Within a span of only six days five farmers have been killed.

On Sept. 3, 2016, armed men opened fire on around 100 farmers who were taking a break from their “bungkalan” in the Fort Magsaysay Military Reservation in Nueva Ecija. The attack injured four of the farmers and seriously injured another. The farmers were all members of Alyansa ng mga Magbubukid na Nagkakaisa, a local peasant organization engaged in asserting their right to land and food, and in disaster risk reduction.

Then last Sept. 7, Ariel Diaz was gunned down by armed men in broad daylight. Diaz was chair of Danggayan Dagiti Mannalon, intermunicipal coordinator of Peasant Alliance Against Foreign Landgrabbing in Isabela and coordinator of Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura, an  organization of agricultural workers. He was the fifth peasant to be killed  in six days under the Duterte administration.

In 1991, 3,100 hectares of the Fort Magsaysay Military Reservation was awarded to over a thousand farmers under the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, but the government failed to implement the awarding. The Philippine military was at times instrumental in denying Fort Magsaysay farmers their right to their land.

The government has denied poor peasants in the Philippines their right to land and food for so long. In order to fight hunger and poverty, they have implemented projects geared toward attaining food security and disaster-risk management. Bungkalan is one such example. It is a form of communal farming, wherein members collectively farm a piece of land, the produce of which they divide among themselves based on their actual work contribution.

Poor peasants have also been active in asserting their right to food as well as attaining peace and justice. However, instead of assistance, they are dealt with bullets and death and are targeted for extermination by land-grabbers and large corporations, often in cahoots with government officials and security forces.

Ascent is deeply concerned with this turn of events, given the recent pronouncements of the Duterte administration regarding change to improve the lives of the poor. We urge the government to show its commitment to protecting the right of farmers to food and land by ensuring that no more peasants become victims of extrajudicial killings. In addition, we also call on the government to immediately investigate the attacks on farmers and the killings and bring those responsible to justice.

—RENMIN CRISANTA VIZCONDE,

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/97793/5-peasants-killed-in-6-days#ixzz4M6jIEYdk
Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook

Extrajudicial killings in the Philippines: What we can learn from Wikileaks

rom 2004-2010, the Philippines witnessed one of the worst waves of human rights violations in its history. Hundreds of activists were killed or abducted. Hundreds more were arrested and faced with trumped-up charges. The magnitude of the abuses caught the attention of the international community. The issue also further isolated the regime of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. The main suspects in the killings and disappearances were state security forces.

There were numerous embassy cables on the US position regarding extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. My own estimate is that there were more than 40 cables that referenced extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. These cables ranged from scenesetters for visiting US officials, to actual reports on the actions taken by the US embassy and the Philippine government on EJK’s.

But while there were strong statements of concern to address the killings of activists and journalists, the US continued to provide economic and military aid to the Arroyo government. While the US said “there’s more that needs to be done”, the US also noted progress in the human rights situation as well as Arroyo’s “seriousness” in addressing the problem.

The Philippines remains the biggest recipient of military aid in this region of Asia, receiving some $30 million annually in Foreign Military Financing, education and training as well as Excess Defense Articles. Human rights issues in the country must be taken in the context of US support for Philippine security forces. With the nationwide phenomenon of extrajudicial killings in the Philippines, a feat that can only be accomplished by state security forces, there is a valid perception that US tax dollars were funding human rights abuses committed by the AFP.

The US seemed content with how the Arroyo government explained and addressed the issue of extrajudicial killings. The US embassy did not seem perturbed by the lies peddled by the Department of Foreign Affairs, Philippine National Police, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, Department of National Defense and the Executive Secretary when asked of the causes of these killings. ( See US gov’t inquired about PH efforts vs. extrajudicial killings — WikiLeaks cable)

Here’s how Executive Secretary Ermita explained the killings in one of the cables dated April 20, 2007:

“In discussing unlawful killings of leftist activists, Ermita provided a detailed historical account of the communist insurgency.  He argued that the killings did not take place in a vacuum but instead occur in the context of the Philippines’ war against the terrorist Communist insurgency.  He underscored that the National (sic) People’s Army (NPA), the armed component of the Communist Party of the Philippines, routinely ambushes and kills members of the AFP.  “There is a war going on,” he emphasized.”

Here, Ermita actually affirms our long-held view that the killings occur in the context of the Philippine government’s counter-insurgency program, which in this case is Oplan Bantay Laya. However, Ermita is saying is that while the killings occur in the context of the counter-insurgency program, whose main implementor is the AFP, the military cannot be blamed for the EJK’s.

The US was in fact supportive of Oplan Bantay Laya. “While total victory over the CPP/NPA in the foreseeable future remains unlikely, the new campaign could over the next couple of years contribute to improvements on the ground,” Kenney said in one cable.  (Ref ID 06MANILA2777).

Another official, DND Usec Ric Blancaflor commented that killings have resulted from the “intensification of anti-insurgency and anti-terrorist drives.”

The same official even tried to explain and justify the targeting of activists from partylist groups.  “Blancaflor added that many within the AFP believe the NPA has taken advantage of the initiative to include Communist elements in the political process,” the cable said.

The DFA meanwhile sought to contain the international impact of the killings. “Department of Foreign Affairs Assistant Secretary for the Americas Rey Carandang told the Staffdel that the unlawful killing issue had been greatly exaggerated.  “We are not in a state of war,” he claimed”.

The US seemed to take everything at face value, even the discredited line that the killings were the result of an internal purge by the New People’s Army. This view has been discredited by the government’s own Melo Commission as well as the report of UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Killings Philip Alston. There was in fact no evidence produced to support this view, except for an alleged document called “Oplan Bushfire” produced by the AFP itself, allegedly taken from a raid against the NPA.

In cable dated February 9, 2007 (07MANILA458) entitled PROGRESS AGAINST POLITICAL KILLINGS, the PNP’s General Avelino Razon “confirmed suspicions that the Luzon killings may be linked to the then-presence of controversial Major General Jovito Palparan, nicknamed “the Butcher” by activists, although he noted that “there was little or no hard evidence directly linking Palparan or units under his command to such killings”. Truth is, TF Usig never really investigated Palparan. The PNP claimed that Palparan was not under PNP jurisdiction. (Meanwhile, the AFP said that they won’t be investigating Palparan for EJK’s because that’s the PNP’s job).

Perhaps the best summary of the US position on EJK appears in a scenesetter for US Congressman Steve Chabot. In this February 15 2007 cable signed by Kristie Kenney, the US wanted to send the message that the Philippines needs to “control the problem” of EJK’s.

“We press the government at every opportunity to resolve these killings, and I have discussed them with President Arroyo and key members of her cabinet, as well as the Armed Forces Chief of Staff and the Chief of the Philippine National Police.  They all tell me they are as appalled as we are, but we remain insistent that they must get control of this problem,” Kenney said.

Here the issue was not really achieving justice for the victims or correcting the wrongs done by the AFP. The issue was the containment of a problem:  avoiding international fall-out, the further degeneration of the AFP and the further complications in US involvement in Philippine counter-insurgency efforts.

In a scenesetter for visiting General Bryan Brown (Ref ID 07MANILA977), Kenney’s concern on EJK’s focused on “the need to take decisive action to resolve the issue of unlawful killings, which threaten to tarnish the impressive victories the AFP is winning in the field”.

In March 16, 2007 cable (07MANILA863)  issued by Kenney, visiting US State Department official Scot Marciel warned the Philippine government that that unresolved, unlawful killings have the potential to become “a cloud in the relationship” between the two countries.

In the other cables, the US will claim to have helped resolve the issue of extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses by providing training, funding and capacity-building for Philippine institutions. The US also claims that its Philippine Defense Reform and other actions by the Joint US Military Assistance Group (JUSMAG) also have positive effects on the AFP.

A new counter-insurgency program has been put in place, one that takes its cue from the US counter-insurgency guide (COIN) of 2009. The new plan combines the “hard” and “soft” approaches to insurgency. Despite the new plan, human rights violations still persist. Under the Aquino administration, human rights groups have documented 50 cases of extrajudicial killings. Meanwhile, convictions of perptrators from the past regime have been dismally low. 

credit:https://natoreyes.wordpress.com/2011/08/31/extrajudicial-killings-in-the-philippines-what-we-can-learn-from-wikileaks/

Posted: August 31, 2011 in Human Rights, Political killings Philippines, WikiLeaks
Tags: extrajudicial killings, gloria macapagal arroyo, wikileaks cablegate, wikileaks manila,wikileaks philippines

Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines: Strategies to End the Violence

Gene Martin testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs on "Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines: Strategies to End the Violence."

I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this hearing on the tragic extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. Having lived in the Philippines for six years and now working to facilitate the peace process in Mindanao between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), I am well aware of the many political, economic and social issues underlying these violent acts.

The Philippine Facilitation Project of the U.S. Institute of Peace is an excellent model for active U.S. engagement in conflict situations. At the request of the State Department, the Institute has been working for nearly four years to end conflict between the central government in Manila and the Islamic Moro people of Mindanao. The centuries long conflict has made the southern Philippines one of the most violent areas of the country. The Institute is actively exploring with negotiators from the Philippine government and the MILF alternatives for resolving the long conflict. As an independent, non-partisan federal institution, the Institute is able to promote U.S. interests unofficially. Our work gives us insights into the causes of violence in society, not only in Mindanao but nationwide. That said, my remarks represent my opinion based upon my experience and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions.

Root Causes of Violence

G. Eugene Martin testifies before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs on March 14, 2007.

I believe there are two underlying causes of the violence. First, weak political and social institutions, particularly a corrupt and ineffective justice system, prompt citizens to resolve conflicts on their own. When one cannot obtain justice through the police or courts, alternative means are found. This can be through direct personal action, drawing upon family or clan support, or arranging for criminal or revolutionary organizations to settle matters.

In Philippine society, family is primary. Nearly any action can be justified if it is to support the family. Kinship ties extend well beyond the nuclear family, into clans and tribal or community groups. Identities often are based on familial or, being an island nation, geographical relationships rather than broader nationalism. In Mindanao, much of the violence is caused by clan conflicts, known as “rido,” which can continue for generations. Absent access to, or confidence in, justice through legal mechanisms and institutions, the aggrieved party often takes direct action against the perceived offender to obtain satisfaction.

The fractious nature of society leads to weak political institutions. Elite families who hold political and economic power in much of the country often seek to maintain their power in any way possible. Elections tend to be corrupt, candidates running against incumbents are often the targets of harassment if not violence, and voters are threatened with retribution for opposition to power holders. Prime targets also for threats and violence, including killings, are media or civil society investigators into political and economic corruption.

The second underlying cause of violence is the legacy of the Marco dictatorship. Martial law politicized the institutions of government and violence against anyone perceived to be opposed to government policies was tolerated if not authorized. Soldiers, police, judges and prosecutors became perpetrators of violent actions against broad segments of the population. Extralegal arrest, detention, incarceration, disappearances and killings (known as salvaging) were condoned and used to advance the regime’s power and reduce political opposition.

Many of those who opposed the Marcos regime responded in similar fashion. Lacking legal of safe alternatives, many allied themselves with revolutionary organizations for protection and influence. These included the National Democratic Front (NDF) of the Communist Party of the Philippine (CPP) and, in Muslim areas, the Moro National Liberation Front and subsequently the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. While many if not most of those who affiliated with the NDF during martial law years were not communist, the NDF provided the only available support network against Marcos. Marcos’ militarized response to the historical struggle of the Moros against Manila’s colonial policies enhanced the appeal of those who advocated armed violence to counter military and militia pogroms against Muslim civilians. The violence of the Marcos regime abetted the communist insurgency and Moro decisions that safety was possible only through independence from the Philippines rather than by working within the political system.

Current Situation in the Philippines

I believe the present rash of violence and killings is the result of political instability and weakness. President Arroyo has expressed her determination to address and resolve the killings. She established the Independent Commission to Address Media and Activist Killings, headed by former Supreme Court Associate Justice Jose Melo. She also welcomed the investigation of Professor Philip Alston, the Special Rapporteur of the UN Human Rights Council. However, I question her capability to take the necessary steps to end the killings. She has been politically weak since her controversial election in 2004, depending upon support from military and provincial leaders to counter impeachment measures by her opponents in Congress. She has promoted military officers who support her and placed retired military and police officers in high-level civilian offices. Her challenge to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to eliminate the decades old communist New Peoples Army (NPA) insurgency within two years has given the AFP a green light to take any action it wishes against the NPA and their allies. Faced with a persistent low-level NPA insurgency, the military resorts to stretching counterinsurgency strategies to branding leftist organizations as enemies of the state that can be intimidated or eliminated by any means.

The communist insurgency is a serious threat to the Philippine government and democracy. The world’s last remaining Maoist insurgency, the NDF, uses violence and abuses democratic privileges to advance its power. As a legal political movement, NDF leaders are elected to Congress where they continue to oppose the administration and seek to block or destabilize government policies. During election campaigns, the NDF uses kidnappings, “revolutionary” taxes, threats and violence to support its candidates and harass opponents. The Party’s political goals are to weaken the government, gain power through coalitions and eventually replace the democratic system with an ideological communist dictatorship.

One of the legacies of the Marcos regime is the continued alienation of many civil society elements from the government and especially the military. NGOs, religious bodies, academics, small farmers, and indigenous peoples remain suspicious of government officials and military personnel because of the oppression and violence used against them during martial law. Many government officials, particularly in the armed forces and police, reciprocate the mistrust, seeing a communist hand behind civil society protests against administration policies and actions. Powerful elites influence local police or military commanders to use force against farmers’ complaints over land grabs or workers’ demonstrations over working conditions. Murders of activist farmers and labor leaders in rural provinces are covered up. Journalists investigating the crimes become targets. Similarly, prosecutors and judges are intimidated. Tragically, the result is further alienation from and resistance to the government.

The killings have become a major issue within the Philippines, yet there is little public outrage despite the release of the Melo Commission report and the initial criticisms of the Special Rapporteur of the UN Human Rights Council. Public perceptions are influenced by military and official attributions that most of the killings are internal CPP-NPA purges. Most civil society reaction has been from leftist oriented NGOs rather than mainstream organizations, further limiting public concern.

Short-Term Prospects in the Philippines

While we all hope the killings will stop immediately, I am not optimistic in the short run. I am confident, however, that through conscientious efforts by Philippine political and civil society leaders, as well as international partners such as the United States, this cycle of violence can be halted.

My pessimism over short-term remedial action by the government is based upon the following:

• It is election time again. Campaigning for national elections on May 14 is well underway. Little if any serious effort will be exerted to investigate killings of political significance. In fact, as contesting parties struggle to win by any means, there will likely be an upsurge of campaign related violence.
• Candidates from left-wing political parties will be particular targets. National Security Advisor Norberto Gonzales stated on March 8 that such candidates must not be allowed to win seats in the Congress. The Gonzales view that party-list candidates “are under the direct influence of the communist party” gives a potential hunting license to military and local officials who agree with him.
• The new anti terrorism law, which President Arroyo signed on March 6, gives new “legal teeth” to the government’s war on terrorism. The Arroyo administration describes the law, titled the “Human Security Act of 2007,” as being “very concerned on human rights.” Many observers fear the law may increase unfettered military operations against opponents deemed to be terrorists. National Security Advisor Gonzales has already stated that the NPA will be labeled a terrorist organization when the new law is promulgated. Legal leftist organizations and elected individuals may be designated.
• The new Defense Secretary, Hermogenes Ebdane, Jr., is a retired police officer. He succeeds a civilian. Senior Department of National Defense officials are now mostly former military officers rather than civilians. Secretary Ebdane likely will promote military perceptions of security threats. UN Rapporteur Alston stated “the AFP is in a state of almost total denial...of its need to respond effectively and authentically to the...killings...attributed to them.”

The killings and the state of democracy in the Philippines have implications for U.S. interests. Prolonged United States support for the Marcos regime in order to save our military bases alienated many in the Philippines. U.S. Ambassador Kenny has rightly expressed official U.S. concern over the extrajudicial killings. However, other U.S. interests—counter terrorism cooperation and training opportunities the AFP provide U.S. forces – may limit pressure on the Arroyo administration.

The U.S. Institute of Peace involvement in the Mindanao peace process provides insights into many of these issues. It is readily apparent that there are multiple, often uncoordinated, policymakers in the Arroyo administration with diverse agendas. The President has authorized her negotiators to propose a forward-looking self-determination package to the MILF. Yet, military officers in central Mindanao continue to support local political leaders who use their militia as private armies to contest MILF influence. The Arroyo administration avoids exercising national authority over local political and economic interests opposed to a peace agreement with the Moros so as to retain their support against administration opponents. It expends little effort to counter biased or incorrect media reports on Mindanao events.

Recommendations

The U.S. and other nations are not without influence to help end the violence of extrajudicial killings. The Philippines is sensitive to and dependent on the goodwill and support of its neighbors and international donors. Some useful tools include:

• Donor nations and international financial institutions already have strong anti-corruption requirements for economic assistance. Linking assistance to forceful judicial reform and independent investigations of the killings would enhance the resolution of the cases.
• Philippine desires to qualify for the Millennium Challenge Corporation assistance gives the U.S. influence to demand rigorous action against the killings.
• The sizeable defense relationship the U.S. has with the Philippines provides a mechanism to encourage civilian control over the armed forces.
• Forceful public U.S. official support for human rights reforms and protections would counter some Filipino perceptions that U.S. concern over the killings is tempered by our efforts to counter terrorism.

Model for Success

The U.S. Institute of Peace has established a unique relationship with key players in the peace process in Mindanao. Working with minimal publicity, the Institute has made a significant contribution to the progress in the talks over the past four years. The Institute has worked closely with civil society to foster open debate to mitigate Filipino public prejudice and discrimination against the Moro minority. Engaging NGOs, church leaders, educators, and media representatives, the Institute seeks to change public perceptions of the conflict and the benefits a durable peace agreement would bring the nation. Similar programs focused on highlighting a need to end the extrajudicial killings and to bring perpetrators to justice could help strengthen judicial institutions and public demands for resolution of the killings.

The Institute’s peace efforts supplement Embassy, USAID and the Pacific Command’s counterterrorism and developmental programs and priorities. Working independently but cooperatively with these official U.S. agencies, the Institute addresses the political, religious, historical and social issues underlying the conflict. Parallel programs dealing with judicial reform, civilian control over security forces, and amelioration of the communist insurgency could begin to address the causes of the killings. Institute efforts to reduce intra-Moro clan and tribal conflict through support for dialogue and cooperation among the next generation of Moro leaders could be duplicated in other conflict situations, which now end in political killings.

Regrettably, the State Department’s support for the Institute’s facilitation project is ending just as the peace process is at a critical juncture. Once the negotiators reach agreement on outstanding issues, a politically contentious, long-term transition period to implement the agreement will require close monitoring and engagement. Granting the Moros self-determination will alter power relationships in Mindanao. The potential for extralegal violence is real. Continued Institute presence is critical to help both Muslim and Christian communities through this difficult period. Without renewed funding, however, the Institute’s unique investment of trust and credibility with key players will be lost prematurely.

The coordinated approach U.S. agencies, the Institute of Peace, neighboring countries and international donors have used to advance the Mindanao peace process can be replicated to resolve the extrajudicial killings. U.S. interests would be served and the Philippines would benefit.

Thank you Madam Chairman. I welcome your questions and those of your colleagues.

 

The views expressed in this testimony are those of the author, not the U.S. Institute of Peace, which does not take positions on policy issues.

credit:  http://www.usip.org/publications/2007/03/14/extrajudicial-killings-in-the-philippines-strategies-end-the-violence

By: 

G. Eugene Martin

Drug killings now up to 11 per day

MANILA, Philippines – Amid public concerns, the Philippine National Police (PNP) reported an increasing number of drug suspects getting killed since President Duterte assumed office on June 30.

The PNP said the summary of the campaign against illegal drugs showed that 239 drug suspects were slain in police operations as of July 22. There were a total of 120,038 drug pushers and users who surrendered to authorities.

On July 20, the PNP reported 207 suspected drug offenders getting killed in police operations, meaning an additional 32 deaths were recorded in two days.

An average of 11 people were killed daily based on PNP statistics of 239 deaths in the first 22 days of the Duterte administration.

The constant increase in deaths of suspected drug offenders has started to generate concerns from some sectors over the manner the police are conducting anti-drug operations.

In almost all cases, the police claimed self-defense in killing the suspects.

PNP spokesman Senior Superintendent Dionardo Carlos assured the public that a proper investigation is being conducted in all police operations, particularly into incidents resulting in death of suspected drug personalities.

The PNP has noted a significant downtrend in crime volume over the last six months, which was credited to the intensified campaign against all forms of criminality through Lambat-Sibat.

PNP Director for Operations Chief Supt. Camilo Pancratius Cascolan expressed optimism that the crime volume will continue to sag as the PNP intensifies police operations against drug-related criminal activities in the succeeding months.

From a high of 52,950 registered in January 2016, the total crime volume steadily dipped by 13 percent through the 1st and 2nd Quarters of the year, down to only 46,060 crime incidents in June 2016.

In the PNP’s assessment, Cascolan said the ongoing two-pronged national anti-drug campaign under “Project Double Barrel” is expected to further boost the overall anti-crime effort, citing the correlation of drug use to other forms of index crime involving crimes against persons and crimes against property.

Over the last 21 days since the Double Barrel was implemented, the PNP has recorded a national total of 3,213 arrested drug personalities during separate operations by local and national police units.

The PNP has also implemented Oplan Tokhang, another strategy to stop illegal drug activities in the country.

Under Tokhang, or house visitations on residences of suspected drug personalities, a total of 120,038 voluntarily yielded, among them, 112,902 self-confessed drug users and 7,107 pushers.

They are now subject of further government intervention by concerned agencies.

PNP chief Director General Ronald dela Rosa reminded policemen in the field to observe proper procedure during police operations, foremost of which is to protect and respect the human rights of every suspect.

Credits : http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/07/25/1606416/drug-killings-now-11-day

By Cecille Suerte Felipe (The Philippine Star) | Updated July 25, 2016 - 12:00am

Gordon: Duterte’s 'killing' talk fuels extrajudicial killings issue

MANILA, Philippines – Sen. Richard “Dick” Gordon, Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights chair, on Monday said President Rodrigo Duterte’s move to announce he is willing to kill drug pushers or addicts may be a misstep.

Gordon said public concern over the rising number of unexplained drug-related killings needs to be addressed with an investigation led by the president, the Philippine National Police (PNP) chief and provincial police directors. However, he said, Duterte, whom he described as “noisy” imperils the country and the drug war in the face of the world.

In his speeches, Duterte has repeatedly mentioned wanting to kill drug lords and talking about how drug peddlers will be killed.

"Una, maingay ang pangulo. Sobrang ingay ng pangulo,” Gordon said on the fifth the day of the Senate panel's probe into drug-related killings.

“Tama lang na ipakita niya na galit siya sa droga pero wag na siya mag-ingay na: ‘Papatayin kita’, ‘I  will kill you.’ Hindi tama iyan. Kaya he is falling on his own sword, nadadapa siya sa kanyang espada dahil salita siya ng salita napagbibintangan tuloy ang buong bansa na ‘yan ang nangyayari (alleged extrajudicial killings),” he added.

Gordon clarified that he is friends with Duterte but he does not agree with the president's move to regularly speak and be vocal about his drug war plans. He suggested the president should instead order the police force to arrest and investigate those involved in cases of unexplained killings.

The senator said Duterte’s pronouncements affects how drug pushers and dealers act, which he said has also led to a rising number of deaths in recent months. The PNP has said the deaths during legitimate police operations were caused by suspects fighting back.

“Alam nila there is already.. sinasabi ng presidente na papatayin sila so lalaban na yan, kaya marami ring namamatay,” Gordon said, adding he is not defending the PNP.

Duterte schooled PNP Director General Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa saying that when he was a mayor in Olongapo City, he upheld the welfare of police officers and of suspects alike. He said that he even established a “People’s Law Enforcement Board”  in 1991, protecting the rights of the citizenry against erring and abusive policemen, which he said he sought to push in the Senate.

According to PNP, there are 2,066 "death under investigation" incidents. Deaths that happen outside actual police operations are considered deaths under investigation. Of that number, 1,910 incidents remain pending and 524 have had cases filed already.

Dela Rosa said that investigations are ongoing and assured senators that the results will be reported in due time. “We will do our best to come up with satisfactory investigation,” he said.

Meanwhile, Gordon also addressed the foreign media and allayed their fears saying they should not worry about the Philippines as the Senate is already investigating the alleged extrajudicial killings.

“I don’t care what you say about us. We have not thrown [out] the rule book because the Senate is investigating the extrajudicial killings [or] whatever you wanna define it. Kaya ‘wag kayo matakot sa Pilipinas because the Senate is investigating,” Gordon said.

Credits: By Rosette Adel (philstar.com) | Updated October 3, 2016 - 1:15pm

http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/10/03/1629917/gordon-dutertes-killing-talk-fuels-extrajudicial-killings-issue